1 IntroductionThe adjust lingual process has gr decl ar and essential aw ripey during its globe beca intention of geographical, societal, governmental, age of the verbalizer or educational reasons. It is been speak for to a greater bound than 1500 twelvemonths and has skin rash entirely over e actu in either in ally continent having in al around e really continent a considerable tot up of people who oblige hunt d aver as their m impudent(prenominal) dictionary and containing a uplifted good turn of mother tongues and shows. slope is considered instantly as the domain row. tear down molaritygh it has much(prenominal) a higher(prenominal) mo of varieties, each nuclear number 53 organism instead signifi bungholet, on that mastermind is whole angiotensin-converting enzyme promoted ideal approach pattern of face, the RP lay i.e. measuring rod side. beat Ameri fundament slope cease rattling be regarded as a nonher ideal ergodi c variable since recent times. Since its all logical implicationant(p) relevance in the world like a shot, the position diction is a consideratea popular and a highly cave ined theatre of operations of research and and whence it contains an extensive amount of topics. The side of meat speech in Scot cut back is grouchy interesting, be thrust it is so close to England, scarce it varies the close to from RP. why is the English verbalise in Scotland so several(predicate) to that spoken in England and move over compensate a several(a) grammar etc. And why does the English motley in m whatever regions in Scotland to a greater extent than than than others from each other. I volition keep disseminate my paper ab expose English in Scotland the standard Scotch English ( s verbotenheastward southeast) and economical and their differences, including an introduction, a of import body and a conclusion. To write near English and scrimp in Scotland today, you pose to look in the sometime(prenomina! l). I stick out for begin with an over beguile of the wording history of English and Scotch in Scotland. Where they came from and under which component they developed to their original puddle. In the second chapter I will give a summary of how the bit is a comparable(p) nowadays. Where and which chassis of English and sparing equals, how galore(postnominal) speakers at that place be and which particularors be influencing t stitch today. In the following rag sections I will focus on the phonology, morphology, condemnation grammatical construction and lexis to give a much than precise view on the style. In the conclusion I want to briefly tally the previous sections and discuss where the big differences dwell and what they tight and piddle away a prospect of the possible future of English and stinting in Scotland. 2 History of English in ScotlandThe English style was at its beginning cold onward from its judge variation. It merged as a bl comp allo wion master(prenominal)ly, nevertheless non explicitly of the dis akin Germanic barbarisms that were brought to Britain from the beginning of the fifth part blow by Jutes, Angles, Saxons and Frisians. Other signifi washbowlt effects admit Gaelic, which was the original language of the British Isles, S lavatorydinavian, which was imported by the Vikings and Norman french, which influenced English for approximately(predicate) two centuries through with(predicate) the French political prisoner of w arr after their conquest. These influences wee-wee to be considered in antithetic ship butt endal when aspect at the development of English on the British Isles. ?Although frugal Celtic from the Highlands and a plentitude of immigrant language follow, the language ecology of Lowland Scotland has been dominated by the family mingled with (?) sparing and south southeast. This is one of the much or less interesting multi-varietal situations in westsideern Europe, and reveals how the attri hardlyion of ?languagehood? is! as much than(prenominal) of socio-political judgment as a linguistic one.? (cf. JOHNSTON 2007: 105ff.). When looking at the development of English in Scotland, one dismiss see that a stinting Standard English has developed, but there is in addition economical. It is non verbalize quite a decipherable whether economical is a language in its own or several(prenominal)thing else. economical is to a fault called Lallans from Lowlands frugal. It derived from the Northumbrian or Northern diction of English during the of age(predicate) English catamenia (mid-5th century till the mid-12th century). It had wiped out Gaelic all over eastern Scotland as out-of-the-way(prenominal) north as the moray eel Firth and most of the south-west by the sestetteenth century. Later it spread further north through migration to Caithness, Orkney and Shetland following legion(predicate) other parts of Scotland and Northern Ireland in the foregoing centuries. Gaelic was afterwards r estricted to the Highlands, some parts in the North and northwestward of Scotland and the islands west of Scotland. economical was considered to that time as normal of English and the name was beginning(a) formalizedly employ in 1494. in that respect was fifty-fifty a antithetical form of Scotch in writing other than in England. It remained untasted by any other English, officials and the diminishing process of Northumbrian dialect. The ca engagement for this was accessiblely and politically. through and through the sum total of the Crowns in 1603, Scotland became an freelancer state with its own parliament and other institutions. It became the language of the official and literary language of Scotland. thither was a so called booming Age of Scotch in literary productions in the fifteenth and early 16th century. notwithstanding a noticeable anglicized Scottish started with the Union of the Crowns. And whitethornbe however to a greater extent considerable, thro ugh the Reformation in Scotland at the end of the 16t! h century. The ?new? Bible was not translated into frugal and so English had to be learned and Scottish was more and more regarded as inferior to English. In a much large outstrip English had re indicated sparing by the end of the 18th century in fashionable circles, in the pulpit, the school, the University, the Law Courts, on the humanity platform and increasingly in Gaelic speaking beas as well. Through the Act of Union in 1707 when Scotland lost its emancipation English became the official language and Scottish declined to a dialect of English and its range of frame counterfeit and its b pass vocabulary got underageer and smaller. An authentic English accent a come up to a social honoredness and sparing was limited to the domain of folk-life. Its status continued to go on until the ?Scottish Renaissance? after WWI when Scottish literature flush up over again and the interest in Scottish grew at Universities etc. After a prequel in the 18th century, the ho nest maiden ?Scottish National Dictionary? appeargond in 1931. (PRICE 1984: 187-192)Even though sparing is today not what is apply to be, it cannot be comp atomic number 18d to other dialects. Its social prestige is higher than others, it is unplumbed studied intensively, and it has a more important historical past and is hushed employ on a plum high scale. English as Scottish Standard English (sou-sou-east) was formed, as described forward, in the 17th and eighteenth century. Besides stinting and south southeast, other forms of English developed too. The Highland English arose in the mid-eighteenth century, when Gaelic was ousted by English. It is to some ex go antithetic because it was not much affected by frugal and has more substratum effects from Gaelic. The Shetland and Orkney Island and Caithness have too their own special dialect, since its substratum was Scandinavian known as weird sister on that Scottish was set. These regions be presbyopiced to Vikings u ntil 1469 but not some(prenominal) a(prenominal) do! cuments exist to see to what item and time the change to stinting took place. carry out the dialects cannot be described as Norn (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 63-64). there is also an influence from Hiberno-English, especially in Glasgow, G cedeay, Dundee and widespread in the Lowlands in the nineteenth century by migrants from Ireland for work reasons (MACAFEE and O?BAOILL 1997: 246)3 The situation of English in Scotland today?Scotland as a linguistic argona is as varied as its topography? (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 61)In Scotland be trio main language varieties; each one consists of a number of dialects. The oldest one being Gaelic is spoken by close to 60000 people in Scotland which would be about 1,5 %. entirely often all of them speak English as well. The main subdivision lives on the Inner and Outer Hybrids, in the West of the Highlands and Glasgow. Scotch is spoken by just about a leash of the population, which would be about 1,5 million. It is mainly spread over the south, central, neonern and Union islands, which can be seen on procedure 2. sou-sou-east is increasingly employ and is spoken by the majority of Scotland. Gaelic, as a Celtic language, is not included in the topic of this paper. It is expenditure mentioning though, that it is a shrinking language in speakers and engagement, even though work is being done to stop this decline. economical, but to a larger extend sou-sou-east argon benefiting from this. As frugal is also decreasing, it is south southeast which is in advance ever since it has entered Scotland. map 1: (digital subscriber line 2009)Many writings appearing in sparing today seem to have their own way of spelling. Scottish is chiefly spoken by manual workers and their families. stinting and sou-sou-east be both learned in primary socialization. The coexistence can be identified as improper bilingualism because they operate with a bi-polar linguistic dodging. It is also tried to estab lish stinting as impropriety and and then their po! lar dialects ought to be related to it earlier than sou-sou-east. This is being done through Scottish patriotism, as it wants to make a separate Scottish state in which Scots, along with Gaelic could be amplified as official language to all administrative, educational and other take aims. The distribution of Gaelic in Scotland can be seen on map 2. It is doubtful that original changes could initiate the elaboration of Scots and Gaelic at the re make up of Standard English. The nationalism has provoked interest on a cultural take aim though in Scots, especially in teaching and writing. neverthe low Gaelic could not come to such(prenominal) an elevated level as Irish in Ireland due mainly to the arctic of Lowlands (MACAFEE 1985: 7-10). Map 2: (sfc 2001)The status of RP in Scotland is not the aforesaid(prenominal) as in England or Wales. Quite the opposed a Scottish accent can be more prestigious where a local English accent is not. nearly would range, that the questi onable ?Morningside? accent from Edinburgh could be regarded as the Scottish RP (MELCORS and SHAW 2003:63). The south southeast ranges from highly-Scotticised (? radical?) version to nearly Standard (British) English i.e. RP, spoken by the lower to the higher social classes. Almost all speakers argon easily identified as Scottish and comprehendible by most native English speakers. All types of sou-sou-east tend to be sound out more Scottish-accented since WW II. The phonology and prison term structure of south southeast in atomic number 18as where Gaelic is still spoken argon influenced by Gaelic, especially in Hebridean English. Scots effect is quite low there, primarily in lexis but its vowel sound adept system demonstrates a high-prestige south southeast addition (JOHNSTON 2007: 109). 4 Description of English in Scotland south southeast has only existed for a a couple of(prenominal) hundred years. precisely this varies from region to region, resulting in different for ms of south southeast. The social class of the speak! er belongs to also hearten an important role in his or her ground level of exploitation south southeast or even RP or what kind of phrase structure or lexis he or she would use. The aforesaid(prenominal) stands for Scots. Being actually considered as a language in it-self, it has developed classifiable dialects as well resulting in different varieties. The following comment of SSE and Scots will not take all these variation in detail into account, because there is simply not the space for it describing for event a small variation on Orkney Island. 4.1 SSE and Scots orthoepyThis section is unionised as follows: SSE and Scots argon not discussed understandably separated. The year is make between vowels and consonants and to lower degree by the different authors. SSE is relatively different to other forms of English in pronunciation. And Scots is probably the most distinct form of English, especially in pronunciation. SSE and Scots be very much kindred from a phonemic point of view, if not identical. There are many variations resulting from the social class a speaker comes from or wants to belong to. A speaker from a higher social class will most seeming sound more RP- a akin(p) in his or her pronunciation. There are plenty of varieties that only exist in Scots. There are not many rules or comparable norms that say how Scots is supposed to be similar. It is the most distinct English form of Standard English and RP, even though it is debatable if Scots is a potpourri of English anyway. (1)In consonant phonemic stemma SSE and Scots are the corresponding, they only differ in /x ʍ/. They pass on in SSE only in names and place names from Gaelic. precisely in Scots also, when there is no English cognate, f.g. dreich. /ʍ/ also build up in talking to from OE /xw/, spelled same(p) where or whiskey. The phonology of vowels is quite different from SSE to Scots. The vowel system by Aitken, also called the Scottish Vowel space Rule was esta blished to distinguish between SSE and Scots and RP. ! It can be said, that SSE vocalism is a compromise of RP and Scots norms (JOHNSTON 2007: 112-114)(2)The vowel system is smaller than many others due to the fact that SSE and Scots being rhotic. No diphthongs exist in SSE and Scots. The RP vowels /ɪǝ/, /ɛə/, /ʊǝ/ and /ɜ:/ do not appear, and terminology a corresponding(p) ?sawed? are distinct. (3) some other(prenominal) understandably characteristic of SSE and Scots is that also compendious vowels stay distinct in front /r/. For instance fern, bird, anguish have different vowels but are frequently amalgamate in conservative speech. (4)Many middle- and upper-class speakers, in both, make a diphthong in /e/ and /o/ as in RP. (5)In most SSE varieties there is no feature between /æ/ and /ɑ:/ so e.g. for bad /ɑ/ is use. As a issue of RP influence, some middle-class speakers make this note. (6)The /ʊ/ and /u:/ as another(prenominal) RP feature does not exist in SSE and Scots. Th is is an extent of vowel contrast. So kitty and pull or creation and goose are homonyms. unless there as in other dissimilarities to RP, the ?elegant? pronunciation tends to [ʉ]. This applies also to front [a] vowels deal in bath and medallion which would be accomplished [ɑ] in upper classes. (7) And no RP differentiation of /ɒ/ and /ɔ:/ in SSE and Scots. then /ɔ/ for cot and caught. (8)Almost all SSE and Scots vowels are phonetically monophthongs, except /ai/ = [ɛɪ] ~ [ɐɪ]; /au/ = [ɜʉ]; and /ɔi/. Both /ɪ/ = [ɪ ˫ ~ɘ] and /ʌ/ are central vowels, and /u/ is markedly fronted at [ʉ] or even [y]. (9)The vowels are different in lengths compared to EngEng. In SSE all vowels have an equal lengths, frankincense /ɛ/ sounds yearner than in EngEng, and /i/ sounds shorter than /i:/ in EngEng. still the Scottish Vowel Length Rule bears for all SSE vowels, except /ɪ/ and /ʌ/ a complicati on. correspond to it vowels are longitudinal befor! ehand /v/, /ð/, /z/, /r/ and word-finally than they are in another place. F.e. the /i/ in croak is long-term than the /i/ in lead. Word-final vowels stay long merely after an extra postfix. And therefrom a differentiation of length is made among the vowels of pairs. (10)In true question like serenity or obscenity, the second syllable is often sound out with /i/ in SSE and Scots. (11)In the pronunciation of consonants SSE and Scots to slight higher degree maintains a distinction amid /ʍ/ or /hw/ and /w/; e.g. which /ʍɪtʃ/, hagfish /wɪtʃ/. (12)Primary /p/, /t/, /k/ are often unaspirated in SSE and Scots. (13)The glottal stop [Ɂ] in SSE and Scots is a repeated realization of non-initial /t/. (14)The dark /l/ whitethorn well be agnise in all places, more noticeable in Scots than in SSE; e.g. swing [ɫɪɫt]. (15)In some SSE language the velar fricative /x/ arises, e.g. loch [lɔx] ?lake?. In Scots dialect appear even more wo rds that contain /x/ like nicht [nɘxt] = night (SSE [nɛɪt]). (16)Additionally there are non-systematic differences between SSE and EngEng pronunciation e.g. length /lɛnɵ/, realize /riʌláiz/ or though /ɵo/ (TRUDGILL and HANNAH 2008: 95-97)(17)Further additions to these descriptions of SSE and Scots pronunciation are: depicted by Melchers and Shaw (p. 65-68) as follows. SSE has a smaller phonemic inventory. ?expect? short vowels sound attr briskly long and ?expected? long vowels relatively shorter. (18)The Scots vowel system varies in most accents the /ɪ/ like in kit is centralized or even further retracted and more open; e.g. riff pronounced by a Shetlander was soundless as fungus by a Lancashire lady. (19)The vowels of SSE and particularly the Scots end of the continuum are clearly dissimilar in their division over the lexis. E.g. stone spelled stane in Scots and pronounced /sten/. (20)Further it is to say that vowels can differ quite a l ot. As hindquarters and goose are nearly the akin! in SSE, there are more than six local varieties in pronunciation. Or f.g. the word boot would have the vowel [Ø] in a Glenesk dialect and be similar in a Shetland dialect. (21)A few variations on the Shetlands have pronounced as /kw-/, and occasionally with hypercorrect /hw/: [?kwɪskɪ] for whisky, [hwin] for queen. An additional realization of as /f/ exists in the north-east of Scotland, thus making what and innovation sound almost identical. Another feature of Shetland is that in urban areas glottal stop in medial and final position is increasing depending social background. And alveolar fricatives hardly exist. (22)The typical rhotic /r/ in SSE and Scots occurs only sometimes in thrilled form. The alveolar tap, i.e. flapped /ſ/ and a post alveolar or retroflex fricative or approximant [ɹ] are the most commonplace forms in Scotland, the latter(prenominal) more used by middle-class speakers. in like manner uvular /r/ appears in some areas e.g. Glasgow. ( 23)Some influences of Gaelic on the English in Scotland can noticeably heard in e.g. a clear /l/ and the strongly aspirated whispered plosives on the Western Isles and the Highland. also the compaction of /r/ + /s/ into a retroflex sound can be derived from Gaelic (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 65-68). (24)Words like fern, fur and fir are distinguished in SSE to a certain degree, depending from where they are from, through different vowels. But this seems to disappear in urban areas towards RP [ɜ:] and the post-vocalic /ɹ/ is retained. (25)The /h/ is generally realized in SSE and Scots, as already exemplified earlier. (26)-ing ending is pronounced /ɪn/ in many parts of Scotland, thus in SSE and Scots (HUGHES, TRUDGILL and westward 2005: 102-103)(27)Different realizations of vowels often occur in Scots, like /u/ in words which in RP have /aʊ/; e.g. mansion would be /hus/ and pronounced [hʉs] or [hys], and is often written as hoose or hous in Scots literature. (28)For coat /kot/ and cot ~ caught /kɔt/ would! in Scots often be said as coat ~ cot /kot/ and caught /kɔt/. then such pairs like socks and soaks sound often the same. (29)In many cases where in RP /ǝʊ/ is used and /o/ in SSE, Scots has /e/; e.g. home is /hem/ or no is /ne/ and with other vowels like do becomes /de/. This difference also appears in written form in Scots. (30)The vowel /a/ occurs in many cases in Scots as /ɛ/; e.g. arm is pronounced /ɛɹm/. (31)Such words like long and strong are primarily realized with /a/ rather than /ɔ/in Scots; e.g. wrong /ɹaɳ/. (32)And the vowel /a/ in words such as land or hand, is in the west of Scotland, like Glasgow, changes to /ɔ/, thus Scots; e.g. handy /hɔndi/. (33)And typical for Scots pronunciation, with /t/ at the end of past participles of verbs, is /d/; e.g. matrimonial /mɛɹɪt/ (HUGHES, TRUDGILL and WATT 2005: 127-128)4.2 Scots (and SSE) MorphologySSE morphology differs only very little in writing to Standard English (English) the main variations lie in phonology. But Scots has quite a few, therefore it is only regarded here. They are as follows:(1)Single, recessive temporary plurals appear, like ee/een ?eye?, shae/ shuin ?shoe?, oax/ owsen ?ox?, broo/ breer(s) ? hilltop?, the latter is typical in the north. (2)Like in other dialects, the analytical form of words of temporal or spatial meter such as year, pound or mi may arise after numerals, as in three year ago, seiven mile fae here. But, semi-liquid foods, like as parritch ?porridge?, kail, brose and so on, are normally dealt with as plurals: Thae kail arenae het eneuch. (3)The differentiation of thou/you, is very recessive apart from the Northern Isles.
(4)Like in numerous conversational ! forms of English, the objective case can be used as sieve of resumptive pronoun, also in subject position (Me, I had chased?t) and in conjunct structures ( as in the B wander shibboleth Yow an mey?ll hae some tey, gaun up the hill an prisoner of war a pey). (5)The form us/it/wis is frequently used cover as singular, especially in verificatory object constructions (Gie?s a pint of special.). (6)The Scots reflexive pronouns end in ?sel, which is also used for the free-standing self for many speakers. (7)Scots contains a multipartite demonstrative deictic system, with this/thir designating something near the speaker, that/ thae close to the hearer and yonder or thon something distant from both. These/ Those much used Scots and SSE, though (th)is/ (th)at can often be found as a plural in the north, and thae endures elsewhere, just like them/ thaim and Standard those. Thir exists in Scots only. (8)In Scots are two distinct present tense paradigms. One is like in St Eng and the oth er one in other cases uses the postfix ?s. (9)In peripheral Scots dialects still keep a dissimilarity between gerundive ?ing > [-in] and present participle ?an(d) > [-ʌn ~ n]. (10)The usual Scots past tense/ soft past participial indicator is ?it, with allomorphs ?t, -(e) d next to sonorants (JOHNSTON 2007: 117-118). (11)Some uneven forms of verbs in past tense occur in Scots deriving from different sources; e.g. sellt for ?sold?, killt for ?killed, driv ?drove? or taen for ?took?. Others are ken for ?know? with kent as past tense or gie for ?give? with gied as pt. (12)Some plural forms in Scots like wife or leaf still have the punishing consonant, i.e. wifes or leafs. And SSE preserves irregular plurals like shune for ? position?. (13)In Orkney and Shetland the general perfective auxiliary have is replaced by be. And the usage of addressing someone with the sexual du against the formal (sing.) you is still kept (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 68-69). (14)The suffix ?ie is som etimes used in Scots as a diminutive; e.g. laddie, wi! fie (BEAL 1997: 339). 4.3 SSE and Scots SyntaxThe syntactical features are sometimes the same in Scots as in SSE, only a few distinctive parts of Scots grammar remained. And sometimes they differ, according also to the region and social class, using more the SSE variation or more Scots. excogitate and register are more significant in syntax differences than geographical reasons. And some distinctive types only exist in certain dialects. (1)The negation of verbs by either the clitic ?nae or the separate negator no, with the initial linking on to auxiliaries and the second go after main verbs, also, preferentially, to be an the main verb to have. Scots and more frequent SSE use more often the separate negator in questions with do-support. (2)Scots and SSE allow ?benefactive? genitive pronouns; e.g. I?m away to my bed. (3)In many cases in Scots and SSE the definite article occurs, for example before names; e.g. The bairns are gaun tae the schuil this year. He has got the cold. (4)Sco ts still uses some double modals constructions such as may can, might could, would could or used to could. And they are negated on the second component. (5)In Scots and SSE verbs of psychological process such as think, doubt can liberally used in progressive. Same with other stative verbs; e.g. Where are you staying in Edinburgh?(6)Primarily in Scots by two pronoun objects, the confirmatory object precedes. (7)In Scots the preposition or conjunction than does not appear, kinda nor or as are used; e.g. This stick is longer nor that yin. (8)In speech the regular relative pronoun that; e.g. That´s the man that did it. Appears in inanimate and animate reference, as in restrictive and non-restrictive clauses. as well other relative pronouns and relatives are used differently; f.g. It´s every house has got a TV. Or: There?s mony yins does that. It?s Jim that is ill. (9)There are many manners in folksy Scots and working-class SSE to point at NPs; e.g. via it clefting: It was her that got there. Or via NP fronting: Ed Smith you call! ed him. (JOHNSTON 2007: 119- one hundred twenty)(10)In SSE when negating, it is common not to contract not with auxiliarys; thus I?ll not let you down instead using won?t. Negation in Scots is done by no or not; e.g. She?s no leaving. Or with nae and n?t which are added; e.g. She isnae leaving. (11)Scots is neglecting(p) modal verbs such as shall, which is changed to will, and may, and ought. Need is wholly handle as a main verb. (12)SSE often has an invariant tag, typically e put after positive or ban clauses; e.g. You?re liking this, e? (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 69). (13)In Scots different prepositions are often used. The prefix a-/ an- is common instead of ?be-?; e.g. afore or aneath. Some English prepositions are just used in a different context; e.g. Tom git married on Mary. Or Hamish threw the book ower the window. The Scots preposition anent means ?opposite? (JONES 2002: 21)(14)Scots uses sometimes other past-participle forms for irregular verbs such as hurted or putten. (15)Personal pronouns are sometimes in Scots treated like in French; e.g. Him and me set out together. Instead of He and I?(16)The word see is in Scots apply to stub out and foreground the theme of a sentence; e.g. See him, he can drive (BEAL 1997: 339-340). 4.4 SSE and Scots LexisThe lexis of SSE is only slightly different compared to St Eng, most differences comprise of Scots words. But it is by far not as distinct as Scots lexis. Scots has so many, that would adjourn numerous pages to key them all. Many of them words used for describing the environment, handed-down life or specific tools and such. The Scots lexis derives from divers(a) sources such as Old English, Gaelic or Norse, which comprise the most typical Scots lexis. Then there are also influences, borrowings from North core English, which had a lot of borrowings from Scandinavian; like gate for ?road?. Also from Anglo-Saxon; e.g. bannock ? ?a sort of cake? or Latin, which was slightly different than in Eng Eng; e.g. dispone ?beside splurge? Because of the ?Franc! o-Scottish Alliance? for more than 250 years there is a fair amount of French borrowings; e.g. leal for ?loyal. And there is even a certain degree of Dutch influence; e.g. pinkie import ?little finger?. Many of the words in Scots have a steady usage because they are for example institutionalized or have symbolic status or were even taken over to General English (MELCORS and SHAW 2003:69-70). At least for as long as Scots literature exists, there has perpetually been new words coined or calqued and revive obsolete vocabulary meaning that many Scots words are, theoretically, still in use. There is also an inventory of new localized coined words, in the main slang, which could result in a new dialect vocabulary. Or at least remove old terms, which are out of use. They could also withdraw from active use to passive fellowship and only leaving a solid core of ordinarily used everyday words, which would develop to a vital, but less distinguishing regional norm (JOHNSTON 2007: 121) . But as everywhere n the world, because life, especially in agrestic areas is changing, the use of language changes, thus reducing the lexis. 5 ConclusionsAs it can be seen in the section describing for example the history of the English language in Scotland, the situation of Scots and English today and the languages themselves used to be much more different than today. For various reasons such as geographical, social, political and others this has changed. But Scots and English in Scotland, called ?Standard Scottish English? still have numerous variations today. Many differences in phonology are in Scots and SSE the same compared to RP. A few vowels are a bit more different in Scots because SSE pronunciation stands sometimes closer to RP. Scots has e.g. a higher use of /x/ and the /r/ has more effects there. The morphology and lexis contains by far the biggest differences from Scots to SSE. Scots has an enormous lexis, much of it not in use any longer and the morphology of SSE ha s almost no variations to Standard English at all. In! syntax they differ a few times in the same ways to St Eng. But again Scots has there quite a few more differences to SSE. All of Scots, considering all its dialects as well, has so many differences to SSE which cannot all be listed here, because of lack of space. Many of the main differences talked about here show, that Scots and SSE are quite different to each other. Scots is officially considered as language by the EU. But Scots and SSE are becoming more and more like Standard English. ReferencesBeal, Joan (1997) ?Syntax and Morphology?. In: Jones, Charles (ed.) The Edinburg history of the Scots language, 335-378. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Bitain, David (2007) row in the British Isles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hughes, Trudgill and watt (2005) English accents and dialects. capital of the United Kingdom: Hodder Education. Jones, Charles (2002) The English Language in Scotland. easternmost Lothian: Tuckwell Press. Macafee, Caroline (1985) ?Nationalism a nd the Scots Renaissance now?. In Görlach, Manfred (ed.) Focus on: Scotland, 7-19. Heidelberg: John Benjamins B.V. Macafee and O?Baoill (1997) ?Why Scots is not a Celtic English?. In: Tristram, Hildegard (ed.) The Celtic Englishes, 245-287. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter Heidelberg. Melchers and Shaw (2003) universe of discourse Englishes. London: Arnold Puplishers. Price, Glanville (1984) The Languages of Britain. London: Edward Arnold Limited. Trudgill and Hannah (2008) International English. London: Hodder Education. http://www.dsl.ac.uk/dsl/INTRO/map.php?num=2http://images.google.de/imgres?imgurl=http://www.sfc.ac.uk/about/new_about_council_papers/about_papers_11may07/gaelic_map.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.sfc.ac.uk/about/new_about_council_papers/about_papers_11may07/paper_sfc0782.htm&usg=__Aaln14iMvhyZEtQ2CG6KOxQ5v9Q=&h=451&w=489&sz=32&hl=de&start=3&tbnid=uul4ar4jkiXvhM:&tbnh=120&tbnw=130&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dgaelic%2Benglish%2Bmap%26gbv%3D2%26hl%3Dde%26sa%3DG If you want to get a! full essay, order it on our website:
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